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Halliburton, Brown and Root's parent company, is a Fortune 500
construction corporation working primarily for the oil industry.
From 1962 to 1972 the Pentagon paid the company tens of millions
of dollars to work in South Vietnam, where they built roads, landing
strips, harbors, and military bases from the demilitarized zone
to the Mekong Delta. The company was one of the main contractors
hired to construct the Diego Garcia air base in the Indian Ocean,
according to Pentagon military histories.
In the early 1990s the company was awarded the job to study and
then implement the privatization of routine army functions under
then-secretary of defense Dick Cheney.
When Cheney quit his Pentagon job, he landed the job of Halliburton's
CEO, bringing with him his trusted deputy David Gribbin. The two
substantially increased Halliburton's government business until
they quit in 2000, once Cheney was elected vice president. This
included a $2.2 billion bill for a Brown and Root contract to support
US soldiers in Operation Just Endeavor in the Balkans.
After Cheney and Gribbin departed, another confidante of Cheney,
Admiral Joe Lopez, former commander in chief for U.S. forces in
southern Europe, took over Gribbin's old job of go-between for the
government and the company, according to Brown and Root's own press
releases.
In 2001 the company took in $13 billion in revenues, according
to its latest annual report. Currently, Brown and Root estimates
it has $740 million in existing U.S. government contracts (approximately
37 percent of its global business).
For example, in mid November 2001, Brown and Root was paid $2 million
to reinforce the U.S. embassy in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, under contract
with the State Department, according to the New York Times. More
recently Brown and Root was paid $16 million by the federal government
to go to Guantnamo Bay, Cuba, to build a 408-person prison for captured
Taliban fighters, according to Pentagon press releases.
That's by no means all: Brown and Root employees can be found back
home running support operations from Fort Knox, Kentucky, to a naval
base in El Centro, California, according to company press releases.In
December 2001, Brown and Root secured a 10-year deal named the Logistics
Civil Augmentation Program (LOGCAP), from the Pentagon, which has
already been estimated at $830 million.
Meanwhile independent agencies are still skeptical about claimed
financial savings from contracting out military support operations.
According to the Government Accounting Office (GAO), a February
1997 study showed that a Brown and Root operation in Bosnia estimated
at $191.6 million when presented to Congress in 1996 had ballooned
to $461.5 million a year later. All told this former Yugoslavia
contract has now cost the taxpayer $2.2 billion over the last several
years.
Examples of overspending by contractors include flying plywood
from the United States to the Balkans at $85.98 a sheet and billing
the army to pay its employees' income taxes in Hungary.
A subsequent GAO report, issued September 2000, showed that Brown
and Root was still taking advantage of the contract in the Balkans.
Army commanders were unable to keep track of the contract because
they were typically rotated out of camps after a six-month duration,
erasing institutional memory, according to the report.
The GAO painted a picture of Brown and Root contract employees
sitting idly most of the time. The report also noted that a lot
of staff time was spent doing unnecessary tasks, such as cleaning
offices four times a day.
Pentagon officials were able to identify $72 million in cost savings
on the Brown and Root contract simply by eliminating excess power
generation equipment that the company had purchased for the operation.
Brown and Root has been also been investigated for over billing
the government in its domestic operations. In February 2002, Brown
and Root paid out $2 million to settle a suit with the Justice Department
that alleged the company defrauded the government during the mid-1990s
closure of Fort Ord in Monterey, California.
The allegations in the case surfaced several years ago when Dammen
Gant Campbell, a former contracts manager for Brown and Root turned
whistle-blower, charged that between 1994 and 1998 the company fraudulently
inflated project costs by misrepresenting the quantities, quality,
and types of materials required for 224 projects. Campbell said
the company submitted a detailed "contractors pricing proposal"
from an army manual containing fixed prices for some 30,000 line
items.
Once the proposal was approved, the company submitted a more general
"statement of work," which did not contain a breakdown
of items to be purchased. Campbell maintained the company intentionally
did not deliver many items listed in the original proposal. The
company defended this practice by claiming the statement of work
was the legally binding document, not the original contractors pricing
proposal.
"Whether you characterize it as fraud or sharp business practices,
the bottom line is the same: the government was not getting what
it paid for," says Michael Hirst, of the United States Attorney's
Office in Sacramento, who litigated the suit on behalf of the government.
"We alleged that they exploited the contracting process and
increased their profits at the governments expense."
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